The Supreme Privy Council was abolished. Supreme Privy Council: year of creation and participants

National history contains many episodes in which the process of transfer of power from one leader to another took place. Sometimes these were bloody palace coups and revolutions. Sometimes the change of power occurred without bloodshed.

In the eighteenth century Russian Empire, as in many other countries of the civilized world, the first preconditions for a crisis of autocratic power gradually began to appear.

This article will tell the reader one of these episodes. Russian history, where, albeit for a short time, a group of high-ranking officials - the Supreme Privy Council - took into their hands the reins of government.

Peter the Great died. The first emperor of the Russian Empire left behind a great legacy that had to be managed competently. At the same time, Catherine the First, who ascended the imperial throne after the death of Peter, was quite far from state affairs.

Thus, the need arose for the formation of the Supreme Privy Council - a body that will carry out public administration on behalf of the autocrat. In addition, the influence of the nobility gradually increased, and it was no longer possible to ignore it. By creating a state governing body consisting of nobles, it was possible to control this influential part of the population.

So, in February 1726, the Supreme Privy Council was established by Empress Catherine the First.

Initially, the council was conceived as a small group of people competent in matters of government. The first composition of the Supreme Privy Council included the most influential associates of Peter the Great. This decision is due to the ability to coordinate all areas of government activity. Let us take a closer look at the personalities of all members of the Supreme Privy Council.

Alexander Danilovich Menshikov

The largest Russian military and political figure, the closest associate and one of the most trusted persons of Emperor Peter the Great. Menshikov was next to Peter both in the youth of the future emperor, when he was working out the system of the future army in the “amusing” regiments, and during the decisive moments of Peter’s military campaigns in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. Menshikov personally influenced the outcome of many of them.

Successful military service contributed to Menshikov’s dizzying military and government career. Resignedly carrying out the sovereign's decrees, Alexander Danilovich, a few days before the founding of St. Petersburg, was already listed as its governor-general, thus becoming the first person to hold this position.

For his zeal in serving the sovereign, Menshikov received the military ranks of general from the cavalry, and for participation in Battle of Poltava, where, under the command of Alexander Danilovich, it was defeated and almost completely captured swedish army, was awarded the rank of Field Marshal.

As a result of successful service, Menshikov's wealth and influence quickly increased. For example, for the defeat of Hetman Mazepa’s troops, the statesman was granted the village of Ivanovskoye and the villages nearby.

According to historians, it was Menshikov who actually determined the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Empire after the death of Peter the Great. Enjoying significant influence in the council, Menshikov remained the “gray eminence” of the Russian court until his overthrow and exile.

Fedor Matveevich Apraksin

Also from the inner circle of Peter the Great. This man stood at the origins of the creation of the domestic navy, heading the Admiralty Board for a long time.

Apraksin, like Menshikov, was noted for his rapid military career. The naval commander gained a significant share of fame after a successful campaign against Ottoman Empire and the capture of the city of Azov.

Fyodor Matveevich Apraksin occupied one of the leading positions in state and military affairs of the Russian Empire, second only to Menshikov in the Supreme Privy Council. The official retained his influence until his death in 1728.

Gabriel Ivanovich Golovkin

The “Grand Chancellor,” as he was called, was Peter the Great’s confidant as president of the College of Foreign Affairs. A born diplomat, Golovkin gained fame as a flexible politician and one of the most wealthy people that era.

Contemporaries often noted that, despite all his prosperity, Gabriel Ivanovich always tried to dress poorly and denied himself many things. According to one version, the politician’s childhood, associated with constant need, had an effect.

Golovkin was the third most important member of the Supreme Privy Council, but was able to maintain his status and influence, despite the changeability of the era of “palace coups.”

Chancellor Golovkin also noted that he was at enmity with the Dolgoruky princes, who dominated the council after the change of the first composition.

Petr Andreevich Tolstoy

Count, founder of the famous Tolstoy dynasty, from which they became descendants in the future famous writers and artists, including the author of the famous novel "War and Peace".

At the time of the formation of the Supreme Privy Council, Count Tolstoy held the position of head of the Secret Chancellery - a secret service created under Peter the Great. Also, Pyotr Andreevich Tolstoy oversaw the judiciary of the Russian Empire.

Dmitry Mikhailovich Golitsyn

Prince, one of the best business executives of Peter the Great's time. He had a lot of experience in modernizing fortifications and preparing them for the war with the Swedes.

At one time, Golitsyn was in charge of the Chamber Collegium, whose competence included the collection of taxes and distribution of the treasury, and various economic issues.

Looking ahead, it should be said that it was Golitsyn who was the author of the “Conditions” of the Supreme Privy Council, aimed at significantly limiting autocracy in the Russian Empire.

Heinrich Johann Friedrich Ostermann

Andrei Ivanovich (in the Russian version) Osterman is one of the most important figures in the Russian foreign policy first half of the eighteenth century.

Coming from Germany, Andrei Ivanovich could easily navigate any difficult situation and enjoyed the trust of Peter the Great. For a long time he held the position of vice-chancellor.

If we analyze the first composition of this advisory body, we can conclude that Empress Catherine the First gathered around herself truly competent and knowledgeable people capable of resolving issues in any branch of management. The council included experienced military personnel, skilled diplomats, and managers.

As often happens, in the highest deliberative government agency At that time, a struggle for power began.

The first victim of this struggle was Count Tolstoy, whose presence in the council was constantly disputed by Menshikov.

After a short period of time, the unofficial leader of the council, Menshikov, finds himself exiled to Siberia on charges of embezzling state money.

The death of Apraksin in 1728 also made adjustments to the composition of the council.

The council governed all spheres of Russian society. Here the most important military decisions were made, the course of the country's foreign policy was laid, and internal issues of the state were discussed.

At its core, the advice combined best leaders Peter's time, called upon to help the monarch in state matters.

Through its activities, the Supreme Privy Council greatly undermined the position of the Senate, placing it below the Holy Synod - supreme body church-state administration of the country.

THE BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF CATHERINE I

The new nobility that emerged under Peter I, enlisting the support of the guard regiments summoned to the palace, elevated Catherine to the throne. This woman was narrow-minded, illiterate, incapable of managing a huge empire, but she was popular, thanks to her kindness she often acted as an intercessor to her stern husband on behalf of those who had fallen into disgrace, and knew how to tame his anger. In practice, power ended up, however, in the hands of the intelligent and ambitious Prince A.D. Menshikov. Under the empress, in 1726, the Supreme Privy Council was created, which, in addition to representatives of the new nobility led by Menshikov, also included Prince D. M. Golitsyn, who personified the noble aristocracy.

Proclaimed by the Senate not entirely legally, under pressure from the guards, Catherine sought support in people close to the throne at the moment of Peter’s death, and here most of all they were afraid of the strengthening of Menshikov’s impudence, and from the very first days of the new reign there were rumors of frequent gatherings of dignitaries […] . But Catherine’s supporters also thought about self-defense measures: already in May 1725, there was a rumor about the intention to establish in the queen’s office a close council of intimate, unborn friends of her and Menshikov, headed by them, which, standing above the Senate, would decide the most important matters. […] A rumor spread throughout the capital that dissatisfied nobles were thinking of elevating Grand Duke Peter to the throne, limiting his power. Tolstoy settled the quarrel with a deal with the dissatisfied, the result of which was the Supreme Privy Council, established by decree on February 8, 1726. With this institution they wanted to calm the offended feeling of the old nobility, which was excluded from supreme control by unborn upstarts. The Supreme Privy Council was composed of six members; five of them, together with the foreigner Osterman, belonged to the new nobility (Menshikov, Tolstoy, Golovkin, Apraksin), but the sixth was the most prominent representative of the noble boyars - Prince D. M. Golitsyn. According to the decree of February 8, the Supreme Privy Council is not an entirely new institution: it was made up of actual privy councilors, who, as “first ministers,” by virtue of their positions already had frequent secret councils on the most important state affairs, consisting of senators, and three, Menshikov , Apraksin and Golovkin, also presidents of the main boards: Military, Naval and Foreign. Eliminating the inconvenience of such “busy work,” the decree turned their frequent meetings into a permanent public office with exemption from senatorial duties. Members of the Council submitted an “opinion” to the Empress on several points, which was approved as the regulations of the new institution. The Senate and collegiums were placed under the supervision of the Council, but remained under their old charters; Only cases of particularly important importance, not provided for in them or subject to the highest decision, that is, requiring new laws, they had to transfer with their opinion to the Council. This means that the Senate retained administrative power within the limits of the current law, while losing legislative power. The Council acts under the chairmanship of the Empress herself and inseparably from the supreme power; it is not a “separate collegium,” but a kind of expansion of the individual supreme power into a collegial form. Further, the regulations decreed that no decrees should be issued until they had “completely taken place” in the Privy Council, were recorded and read to the Empress “for approbation.” These two points are the main idea of ​​the new institution; everything else is just technical details that develop it. In these points: 1) the supreme power refused individual action in the manner of legislation, and this eliminated intrigues, approaches to it through secret ways, temporary work, favoritism in management; 2) a clear distinction was made between the law and a simple order on current affairs, between acts, the change of which deprived the management of the character of regularity. Now no important matter could be reported to the Empress besides the Supreme Privy Council, no law could be promulgated without prior discussion and decision in the Supreme Privy Council.

Klyuchevsky V.O. Russian history. Full course lectures. M., 2004. http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/kluchev/kllec70.htm

CHANGES IN MANAGEMENT

Immediately after the death of Peter, some changes began in management and in economic policy governments, partly already familiar to us. [...] But these new institutions were not durable and did not last long. In them (in the Supreme Privy Council and Cabinet) that bureaucratic nobility “supreme gentlemen ministers” gathered, which even under Peter often controlled the Senate. But under Peter, the senior administrative officials close to him were not organized into an institution and did not have the influence that they received under the weak representatives of power after Peter (women and children). Platonov S.F. A complete course of lectures on Russian history. SPb., 2000 http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/platonov/plats005.htm#gl6

INTRIGUES AROUND THE CREATION OF THE SUPREME PRIVATE COUNCIL

In April 1725, the Empress instructed the governing Senate to come to her every week on Fridays for a report; but in the same month a rumor had already spread that a new one would be installed over the Senate higher institution, whose members will be a few of the most trusted and distinguished persons. […] At the beginning of the new year, 1726, a rumor spread that dissatisfied nobles wanted to elevate Grand Duke Peter to the throne with a limitation of his power, that the Austrian court was favorable to this, that the movement would begin in Ukrainian army, which is commanded by Prince Mikhail Mikhailovich Golitsyn. Tolstoy, seeing the danger for Catherine and her daughters, began to work hard to stop the displeasure, went to Menshikov, Golitsyn, Apraksin, and the result of these trips and meetings was the establishment of the Supreme Privy Council, where the main dignitaries should be members of equal importance. presided over by the empress herself, where, consequently, no one could carry out anything without general knowledge and discussion.

http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/solov/solv18p4.htm

DECREE ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SUPREME PRIVATE COUNCIL 1726

“We have already seen that secret active councilors, in addition to senate government, have a lot of work to do in the following matters: 1) that they often have, in their positions, like first ministers, secret councils on political and other important state affairs; 2) from them Some sit as presidents in the first collegiums, which is why in the first and very necessary matter, in the Privy Council, a lot of confusion is caused to them, and in the Senate, business stops and continues because they, due to their busyness, cannot quickly make resolutions on state internal affairs. For the sake of this, we decided and commanded from now on at our court, both for external and internal important state affairs, to establish a Supreme Privy Council, at which we ourselves will be present in that Supreme Privy Council from the first senators, and. instead of them, others will be elected to the Senate, who will always be with us in the Secret Supreme Council to the following persons: Field Marshal General and Secret Actual Advisor, His Serene Highness Prince Menshikov; Admiral General and Secret Active Advisor Count Apraksin; State Chancellor, Secret Actual Advisor Count Golovkin; secret active adviser Count Tolstoy; secret active adviser to Prince Golitsyn; Vice-Chancellor and Secret Actual Advisor Baron Osterman."

Soloviev S.M. History of Russia from ancient times. M., 1962. Book. 18. Ch. 4. http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/solov/solv18p4.htm

ORGANIZATION OF MANAGEMENT AND OFFICE PROCESS

“TO RELIEF HER MAJESTY IN THE HEAVY BURDEN OF RULE...”

The elected members submitted to the Empress “an opinion not in the decree on the newly established Privy Council”:

1) “The Privy Council can meet on Wednesday for domestic and internal affairs, and on Friday for foreign affairs, but when a lot of business happens, an emergency congress is appointed.

2) Since Her Majesty herself has the presidency in the Privy Council and there is reason to hope that she will often be personally present, this Privy Council should not be considered a special board, because it only serves to relieve Her Majesty from the heavy burden of government, all things will sooner get done, and more than one person will think about increasing the security of Her Majesty and the state; so that it is safer to issue decrees in her high name, it is necessary to write in them like this: at the beginning - “we, by God’s grace, etc.”, in the middle - “we command, etc.” and at the end - “given in our Privy Council.”

3) No decrees should be issued before, until they have completely taken place in the Privy Council, the protocols have not been enshrined and will not be read to Her Majesty for the most merciful approbation, and then they can be enshrined and sent out by the actual state councilor Stepanov.

4) Reports, denunciations or representations that may come to the Supreme Privy Council for decision are signed directly in the name of Her Imperial Majesty with the addition: to the submission to the Privy Council.

5) When Her Majesty herself deigns to be present, then, with her most merciful permission, offer whatever she pleases; when she does not deign to be present, then it is better to give each member some department or department about what matters he has to offer, in order to first judge sufficiently: a) whether this matter is necessary; b) how best to solve it, so that it would be easier for the Imperial Majesty to make his decision.

6) In the Privy Council, two protocols must be kept: one - in the form of a journal, which does not need to be signed; the other must contain resolutions and definitions, and its members enshrine.

7) The Privy Council needs to have its own office and divide its affairs so that everything is orderly and can be dispatched in a timely manner without confusion. Since this office should serve as a model for others, it is necessary that there should not be so much unnecessary correspondence in it and that the staff should not be burdened with unnecessary servants; Therefore, in the establishment of the office it is necessary to act very carefully and decide everything with great reasoning, so that it would be safer in the maintenance of secret affairs.

8) Foreign ministers remain at the College of Foreign Affairs; but the collegium must always report their proposals to Her Imperial Majesty in the Privy Council.

9) Cases subject to the jurisdiction of the Privy Council are: a) foreign; b) all those that concern Her Imperial Majesty’s own highest decision.

10) The Senate and other collegiums remain with their charters; but matters of special importance, about which there are no definitions in the charter or which are subject to Her Imperial Majesty’s own decision, they must submit with their opinion to the Supreme Privy Council.

11) The first three collegiums (Foreign, Military and Naval) cannot be under the Senate, just as the Foreign Collegium has never depended on it.

12) Appeals to the Senate and three colleges to Her Imperial Majesty should be allowed and considered in the Supreme Privy Council; but if the appeal turns out to be unfounded, then the person appealing is punished by deprivation of life, honor and property, so that Her Majesty and the Privy Council are not bothered with daring appeals.

13) Since the Privy Council has oversight over all colleges and other institutions, about which there are still various useful definitions can be decreed, then there is no need to be in a great hurry, because all this is done in the highest name of Her Imperial Majesty, so that the benefit of the entire empire can be received the better and the greatest glorification can be found and manifested among the people. Since relations with the Senate and other collegiums have stopped because they do not know how to title the Senate, because it is no longer possible to write to the government, in order to give the Senate the title “highly trusted” or simply “high” Senate. The Synod writes decrees to the Senate on old ordinary matters, and reports new ones to the Imperial Majesty in the Privy Council."

Soloviev S.M. History of Russia from ancient times. M., 1962. Book. 18. Ch. 4. http://magister.msk.ru/library/history/solov/solv18p4.htm

SUPREME TAIL COUNCIL AND SENATE

It was necessary first of all to determine the relationship of the new institution to the old Senate. On February 12, the Senate listened to a decree sent from the Supreme Privy Council: the decree stated that the Senate should write reports to the Council, and the Council would send decrees to the Senate; that the Senate should communicate with the collegiums - Foreign, Military and Admiralty - with promemories. The offended senators determined that since the decree of the empress, announced by him on February 9, ordered that matters be corrected according to decrees, regulations and the Senate office, and was not written that the Senate should be subordinate to the Supreme Privy Council, then the decree sent from the Supreme Council should be returned there with announcement that the Senate, without a decree from the empress’s own hand, is afraid to subjugate itself contrary to its position. By virtue of this decision, the Senate executor Elagin went to the ruler of the office of the Supreme Privy Council, Stepanov, in order to return the decree to him. Stepanov answered him that he did not dare accept a decree from him and that he should go to the members of the Supreme Privy Council. Elagin objected that he was not ordered to go to anyone, he was ordered to give the order to him, Stepanov; and if he does not accept the decree, then he will put it down. Stepanov replied that if he, Elagin, leaves the decree, he will put it in his bosom. Then the executor took the decree back, and the next day Makarov came to the Senate with an announcement that Her Majesty had ordered that the decree be carried out, and on the same day the Empress verbally repeated to the senators this command to carry out the decree temporarily until it was given detailed instructions. The former name of the Senate “governing” was replaced by the word “high”. It is determined that

The idea of ​​​​creating an institution higher than the Senate was in the air even under Peter the Great. However, it was not brought to life by him, but by his wife Catherine I. At the same time, the idea itself changed dramatically. Peter, as you know, ruled the country himself, delving into all the details of the government mechanism in both domestic and foreign policy. Catherine was deprived of the virtues that nature generously rewarded her husband with.

Contemporaries and historians assessed the empress's modest abilities differently. Field Marshal of the Russian Army Burchard Christopher Minich did not spare words of praise addressed to Catherine: “This empress was loved and adored by the entire nation, thanks to her innate kindness, which manifested itself whenever she could take part in persons who had fallen into disgrace and had earned the emperor’s disfavor... She was truly a mediator between the sovereign and his subjects.”

Minikh’s enthusiastic review was not shared by the historian of the second half of the 18th century, Prince M. M. Shcherbatov: “She was weak, luxurious in the entire space of this name, the nobles were ambitious and greedy, and from this it happened: practicing everyday feasts and luxuries, she left all power government to the nobles, of whom Prince Menshikov soon gained the upper hand.”

The famous historian of the 19th century S. M. Solovyov, who studied the time of Catherine I from unpublished sources, gave Catherine a slightly different assessment: “Catherine retained knowledge of persons and the relationships between them, retained the habit of making her way between these relationships, but she did not have the proper attention to affairs, especially internal ones, and their details, nor the ability to initiate and direct.”

Three dissimilar opinions indicate that their authors were guided by different criteria in assessing the empress: Minich - the presence of personal virtues; Shcherbatov - such moral qualities that should be inherent, first of all, to a statesman, a monarch; Soloviev - ability to manage the state, business qualities. But the advantages listed by Minich are clearly not enough to manage a vast empire, and the craving for luxury and feasts, as well as the lack of proper attention to business and the inability to assess the situation and determine ways to overcome the difficulties that have arisen, generally deprive Catherine of her reputation as a statesman.

Having neither knowledge nor experience, Catherine, of course, was interested in creating an institution capable of helping her, especially since she was oppressed by her dependence on Menshikov. The nobles were also interested in the existence of an institution capable of withstanding the onslaught of Menshikov and his limitless influence on the empress, among whom the most active and influential was Count P. A. Tolstoy, who competed with the prince in the struggle for power.

Menshikov's arrogance and disdainful attitude towards other nobles who sat in the Senate crossed all boundaries. An indicative episode occurred in the Senate at the end of 1725, when Minikh, who led the construction of the Ladoga Canal, asked the Senate to allocate 15 thousand soldiers to complete the work. Minikh's request was supported by P. A. Tolstoy and F. M. Apraksin. Their arguments about the advisability of finishing the enterprise begun by Peter the Great did not at all convince the prince, who passionately declared that it was not the job of soldiers to dig the ground. Menshikov defiantly left the Senate, thereby offending the senators. However, Menshikov himself did not object to the establishment of the Privy Council, believing that he would easily tame his rivals and, under the guise of the Privy Council, would continue to lead the government.

The idea of ​​​​creating a new institution was proposed by Tolstoy. The Empress was supposed to preside at meetings of the Supreme Privy Council, and members of the Council were given equal votes. Catherine immediately seized on this idea. If not with her mind, then with a heightened sense of self-preservation, she understood that Menshikov’s unbridled temper, his desire to command everyone and everything could cause strife and an explosion of discontent not only among the family nobility, but also among those who elevated her to the throne.

Campredon cites a statement by the empress dating back to the formation of the Supreme Privy Council. She declared “that she would show the whole world that she knew how to compel obedience and maintain the glory of her reign.” The establishment of the Supreme Privy Council really allowed Catherine to strengthen her power, to force everyone to “obey herself,” but under certain conditions: if she knew how to deftly weave intrigues, if she knew how to push opposing forces together and act as a mediator between them, if she had a clear idea of ​​where and by what means should the highest government institution lead the country, if it finally knew how to create coalitions that were useful to it at the right time, temporarily uniting rivals. Catherine did not possess any of the listed qualities, so her statement, if it was accurately reproduced by Campredon, hung in the air, turned out to be pure bravado. On the other hand, Catherine’s consent to the creation of the Supreme Council indirectly indicated her recognition of her inability, like her husband, to rule the country. The paradox of the establishment of the Supreme Privy Council was that it combined the contradictory aspirations of those involved in its creation. Tolstoy, as stated above, saw the Supreme Privy Council as a means of taming Menshikov. These expectations were shared by Apraksin and Golovkin. Menshikov, having supported the idea of ​​​​creating the Supreme Privy Council, was apparently guided by three considerations. Firstly, he simply missed the steps taken by Tolstoy, and having discovered them, he considered that it was useless to oppose them. Secondly, he also intended to benefit from the new institution - he believed that it would be easier to subjugate the five members of the Supreme Privy Council than the numerous members of the Senate. And finally, thirdly, Alexander Danilovich associated with the Supreme Council the fulfillment of his long-standing dream - to deprive his worst enemy, Prosecutor General of the Senate P. I. Yaguzhinsky, of the former influence.

The Supreme Privy Council was created on February 8, 1726 by personal decree of the Empress. However, rumors about the possibility of the emergence of a new institution penetrated the diplomatic environment as early as May 1725, when the Saxon envoy Lefort reported that they were talking about the establishment of a “Privy Council”. Similar information was sent by the French envoy Campredon, who even named the names of the members of the future institution.

Although the legislator had sufficient time to draw up a fundamental normative act, the decree read by G.I. Golovkin to members of the Supreme Privy Council on February 10 was distinguished by its superficial content, creating the impression that it was composed hastily. The creation of a new institution was justified by the need to provide members of the Supreme Privy Council with the opportunity to concentrate their efforts on solving the most important matters, freeing them from petty concerns that burdened them as senators. However, the decree does not define the place of the new institution in the current government mechanism, and the rights and responsibilities of the new institution are not clearly defined. The decree named the names of the persons obliged to be present in it: Field Marshal General Prince A. D. Menshikov, Admiral General Count F. M. Apraksin, Chancellor Count G. I. Golovkin, Count P. A. Tolstoy, Prince D. M. Golitsyn and Baron A.I. Osterman.

The composition of the Supreme Privy Council reflected the balance of power of the “parties” that competed during the elevation of Catherine to the throne: five of the six members of the Supreme Council belonged to the new nobility, and the family aristocracy was represented by Golitsyn alone. It is noteworthy, however, that it did not include the favorite of Peter the Great, the person who was number one in the bureaucratic world - Senate Prosecutor General P. I. Yaguzhinsky. Pavel Ivanovich appeared, as noted above, worst enemy Menshikov, and the latter did not object to the creation of the Supreme Privy Council, in particular, in the expectation that the post of Prosecutor General of the Senate would be eliminated and the mediating role between the Empress and the Senate would be performed by the Supreme Privy Council.

Another ally of Peter, also an enemy of Menshikov, was left out of the Supreme Privy Council - cabinet secretary A.V. Makarov. There was no place in it for such experienced businessmen as P.P. Shafirov, I.A. Musin-Pushkin and others. All this gives reason to believe that when staffing the Supreme Privy Council, there was a bargaining between Catherine, Menshikov and Tolstoy.

On February 17, cabinet secretary Makarov announced in the Supreme Privy Council a decree of the empress, which extremely puzzled and alarmed Menshikov - another person was appointed to the institution - Catherine's son-in-law, Duke Karl Friedrich of Holstein. It did not take much difficulty for the prince to unravel the purpose of the appointment - he assessed it as a desire to weaken his influence, to create a counterweight to him and a more reliable support for the throne than he, Menshikov. Menshikov did not believe that Catherine could dare to do such a thing without his knowledge, and asked Makarov again: did he convey the Empress’s command correctly? Having received an affirmative answer, His Serene Highness immediately went to Catherine for clarification. The content of the conversation and its tone remained unknown, but the result is known - Catherine insisted on her own. The Duke, at the next meeting of the Supreme Privy Council, assured the audience that he “will be nothing less than a member and to the other ministers present as a colleague and comrade.” In other words, the husband of the daughter of Empress Anna Petrovna did not claim a leading role in the Supreme Privy Council, which somewhat reassured Menshikov. As for the other members of the Privy Council, they were quite happy with the appearance of such an influential figure who, relying on her relationship with the empress, could resist the dominance of Alexander Danilovich.

So, the composition of the new institution was approved. As for his competence, it was defined by a vague phrase: “We decided and commanded from now on at our court, both for external and internal state affairs, to establish a Supreme Privy Council, at which we ourselves will be present.”

Subsequent decrees, issued both on behalf of the Supreme Privy Council and on behalf of the Empress, clarified the range of issues to be resolved and its relationship to the Senate, Synod, collegiums and supreme power.

Already on February 10, the Supreme Privy Council ordered all central institutions to contact it with reports. However, one exception was made: the three “first”, in the terminology of Peter’s time, collegiums (Military, Admiralty and Foreign Affairs) were removed from the jurisdiction of the Senate, communicated with it as equals, by memorials, and became subject only to the Supreme Privy Council.

There was a reason for the appearance of this decree: the presidents of the three collegiums mentioned above were Menshikov, Apraksin and Golovkin; they also sat on the Supreme Privy Council, so it was not prestigious to subordinate these boards to the Senate, which itself was dependent on the Privy Council.

An important milestone in the history of the Supreme Privy Council is the so-called “Opinion not in the decree on the new established Privy Council”, submitted to the Empress by its members. There is no need to outline the contents of all thirteen points of the Opinion. Let us dwell on the most important of them, which are of fundamental importance, since in them, more clearly than in the founding decree, the purpose of creating a new institution and its main task were defined. The Supreme Privy Council, stated the Opinion, “serves only to relieve Her Majesty of the heavy burden of government.” Thus, formally, the Supreme Privy Council was an advisory body consisting of several persons, which made it possible to avoid hasty and wrong decisions. However, the paragraph that followed this expanded the powers of the Supreme Privy Council by entrusting it with legislative functions: “No decrees should be issued before, until they have completely taken place in the Privy Council, the protocols are not fixed and will not be read to Her Majesty for the most gracious approbation, and then they can be fixed and sent out by the actual state councilor Stepanov (secretary of the council. - N.P.)".

“Opinion” established the work schedule of the Supreme Privy Council: on Wednesdays it should consider internal affairs, on Fridays - foreign affairs; If the need arises, emergency meetings are convened. “Opinion is not a decree” expressed hope for Active participation in the meetings of the Empress’s Council: “Since Her Majesty herself has the presidency in the Privy Council, there is reason to hope that she will often be personally present.”

Another milestone in the history of the Supreme Privy Council is associated with the decree of January 1, 1727. He, like the decree of February 17, 1726 on the inclusion of the Duke of Holstein in the Privy Council, dealt another blow to the omnipotence of Menshikov. In his statement to the members of the Council on February 23, 1726, the Duke, as we remember, promised to be an ordinary member of the new institution, like everyone else present, and called on everyone to “everyone declare his opinion freely and frankly.” Indeed, Menshikov retained his role as the leading member and continued to impose his will on the others. By decree of January 1, 1727, Catherine I decided to officially assign this role to the Duke. “We,” the decree said, “can completely rely on his faithful zeal for us and our interests; for this reason, His Royal Highness, as our most dear son-in-law and by virtue of his dignity, not only has primacy over other members in all matters that arise.” the first vote, but we also allow His Royal Highness to demand from all institutions the statements he needs.”

Fortunately for Menshikov, the Duke as a person was not able to resist him. Weak in soul and body, drunk even from a small amount of strong drinks, for which he had a tender love, the Duke could not compete with the prince also because he did not know the Russian language, was not aware of the state of affairs in Russia and did not have sufficient administrative experience . The Saxon ambassador Lefort gave him a derogatory description: “The Duke’s lifestyle deprived him good name"; according to the ambassador, the prince found “the only pleasure in a glass,” and immediately fell asleep “under the influence of wine fumes, since Bassevich inspired him that this was the only way to make himself fall in love in Russia.” Bassevich, the Duke's first minister, an experienced intriguer and braggart, who believed that Russia owed him everything that happened in it, easily controlled the Duke as a puppet and posed the main danger to Menshikov.

We find a similar judgment about the duke from the Danish ambassador Westphalen. True, Westphalen spoke less harshly about the empress’s son-in-law, finding some positive qualities in him: “The Duke does not speak Russian. But he speaks Swedish, German, French and Latin. He is well-read, especially in the field of history, loves to study, writes a lot, is prone to luxury, stubborn and proud. His marriage to Anna Petrovna is unhappy. The Duke is not attached to his wife and is prone to debauchery and drinking. He wants to be like Charles XII, between whom and the Duke there is no resemblance. He loves to talk, and reveals hypocrisy.”

Nevertheless, this generally insignificant person had a significant influence on the empress. In turn, in addition to Bassevich’s advice, the Duke, presumably, used the advice of his balanced and reasonable wife.

A description of Anna Petrovna's appearance and spiritual qualities was given by Count Bassevich. As already mentioned, Bassevich did not spare colors to portray her in the most attractive form: “Anna Petrovna resembled her august parent in face and character, but nature and upbringing softened everything in her. Her height of more than five feet was not too high with her unusually developed forms and proportionality in all parts of the body, reaching perfection.

Nothing could be more majestic than her posture and physiognomy; nothing could be more correct than the description of her face, and at the same time her gaze and smile were graceful and tender. She had black hair and eyebrows, a complexion of dazzling whiteness and a fresh and delicate blush, which no artificiality can ever achieve; her eyes were of an indeterminate color and were distinguished by an extraordinary brilliance. In a word, the strictest exactingness could not reveal any flaw in anything.

Added to all this was a penetrating mind, genuine simplicity and good nature, generosity, forbearance, excellent education and excellent knowledge of the Russian languages, French, German, Italian and Swedish.”

Campredon, who closely monitored the balance of power at court, noted in his dispatches the growing influence of the Duke of Holstein on the Empress already in the first half of 1725.

On March 3, he reported: “The Queen, seeing in the Duke the best support for herself, will warmly take his interests to heart and will be largely guided by his advice.” March 10: “The Duke’s influence is growing.” April 7: “The Duke of Holstein is the queen’s closest confidant.” April 14: “With envy and without fear, people here look at the growing confidence in the Duke of Holstein, especially those who treated him with disdain and even contempt during the Tsar’s lifetime. Only their intrigues are useless. The queen, who wants to elevate him to the throne of Sweden and hopes to receive military assistance from this power for him, sees in the duke her truest support. She is convinced that he can no longer have interests separate from her and her family, and that she can therefore only desire what is beneficial or honorable for her, as a result of which she, for her part, can fully rely on the integrity of his advice and on the honesty of his relationship with her.” April 24: “The Duke of Holstein, who had no voice during the time of the late Tsar, is now in charge of everything, since the Tsarina is guided only by the advice of him and Prince Menshikov, our inveterate enemy.”

The Duke expected to receive Livonia and Estland from Peter as a dowry for his daughter, but received neither one nor the other. But on May 6, 1725, Catherine gave the Duke the islands of Ezel and Dago, which aroused the hatred of Russian nobles.

The reader probably noticed that the book deals with the influence of the Duke of Holstein, Menshikov, and Tolstoy on the empress. At first glance, these judgments contradict one another. But, taking a closer look at the personality of the empress, a weak-willed woman who sought to avoid conflicts with nobles and at the same time easily succumbed to the suggestions of one or the other, we must recognize these contradictions as seeming. Catherine had the habit of agreeing with everyone, and this created the impression of the growing influence on her of either the Duke and his wife and minister standing behind him, or Menshikov, or Tolstoy. Sources are silent about Makarov’s influence, but not because this influence did not exist, but because this influence was shadow. In fact, the palm in influencing the Empress should be given to Menshikov, not only because he played a decisive role in placing her on the throne, but also because he had the power that, having easily given Catherine the crown, could just as easily give that crown take it away from her. The Empress was afraid of Menshikov and even in a critical situation for the prince, when he tried to take possession of the Duchy of Courland, she did not dare to remove him from power.

The expansion of her son-in-law's powers did not live up to Catherine's hopes - with this maneuver she ultimately failed to create a counterweight to Menshikov in the Supreme Privy Council. The failure was explained primarily by the fact that the weak-willed, narrow-minded, deprived of the ability to accept independent decisions The Duke was opposed by the energetic, assertive, experienced not only in intrigue, but also in knowledge of the situation in the country of Menshikov.

The Duke's natural shortcomings were aggravated by the fact that he easily succumbed to outside influence. The man, without whose knowledge the Duke did not dare to take a step, was his minister Count Bassevich - a personality of an adventuristic character, an intriguer by nature, who more than once put his master in an awkward position.

The goal that Catherine strove for was simple - not only to keep the crown on her head until the end of her days, but also to place it on the head of one of her daughters. Acting in the interests of the Duke, the Empress relied on family ties and rejected the services and zeal of Menshikov, to whom she owed the throne. However, the Duke turned out to be so weak that he could not cope with restoring order not only in the country, but also in his own family. Here is the testimony of the French diplomat Magnan, who noted, “by the way, the coldness and disagreement that reigns between him and the duchess, his wife, and reaches the point that he has not been allowed into her bedroom for more than three months.”

As we remember, Catherine promised to preside over meetings of the Supreme Privy Council. However, she did not fulfill her promise: in the fifteen months that passed from the establishment of the Supreme Privy Council until her death, she attended meetings fifteen times. There were frequent cases when on the eve of the Council meeting she expressed a desire to attend it, but on the day when it was to take place, she ordered an announcement that she was postponing her presence to the next day, in the afternoon.

The sources do not name the reasons why this happened. But, knowing the daily routine of the Empress, one can safely say that she was unwell because she went to bed after seven in the morning and spent the night hours eating a rich feast.

As already mentioned, under Catherine I, the Supreme Privy Council was led by Menshikov - a man, although not without impeccable reputation, but with a fairly wide range of talents: he was a talented commander and a good administrator and, being the first governor of St. Petersburg, successfully supervised the development of the new capital.

The second person who influenced both the empress and the Supreme Privy Council was secret cabinet secretary Alexei Vasilyevich Makarov. There is a reason to get to know this person better.

Like Menshikov, Devier, Kurbatov and other lesser-known associates of Peter the Great, Makarov could not boast of his pedigree - he was the son of a clerk in the Vologda Voivodeship Office. An amateur historian of the second half of the 18th century, I. I. Golikov depicted Peter’s first meeting with Makarov like this: “The great sovereign, while in Vologda in 1693, saw in the Vologda office between the clerks a young scribe, precisely this Mr. Makarov, and from the first glance at him, penetrating his abilities, he took him in, appointed him as a scribe in his Cabinet and, little by little elevating him, promoted him to the aforementioned dignity (secret cabinet secretary. - N.P.), and from that time on he has not been separated from the monarch.”

There are at least three inaccuracies in Golikov’s report: no Cabinet existed for Peter the Great in 1693; Makarov served not in the Vologda, but in the Izhora office under Menshikov; finally, the starting date of his service in the Cabinet should be considered 1704, which is confirmed by a patent for the title of secret cabinet secretary.

Equally fantastic, but diametrically opposed information about Makarov’s abilities was expressed by the German Gelbig, the author of the famous essay “Random People in Russia.” About Makarov, Gelbig wrote that he was “the son of a commoner, an intelligent fellow, but so ignorant that he could not even read and write. It seems that this ignorance was his happiness. Peter took him as his secretary and entrusted him with copying secret papers, a tedious job for Makarov because he copied mechanically.”

Even a superficial acquaintance with the documents of that time, in the compilation of which Makarov was involved, is enough to be convinced of the absurdity of Gelbig’s testimony: Makarov not only knew how to read and write, but also had an excellent command of clerical language. It would be an exaggeration to consider Makarov’s pen brilliant, similar to the one owned by I. T. Pososhkov, P. P. Shafirov, F. Saltykov, but he knew how to compose letters, decrees, extracts and other business papers, understood Peter’s thoughts at a glance and gave them in a form acceptable for that time.

A huge mass of materials of national importance flocked to the Cabinet. All of them, before getting to the king, passed through the hands of the cabinet secretary.

Among the government elite, Makarov enjoyed enormous authority. Menshikov and Apraksin, Golovkin and Shafirov and other dignitaries sought his goodwill. The archives of the Cabinet of Peter the Great contain thousands of letters addressed to Makarov. Taken together, they provide abundant material for the study of the characters, morals and human destinies of that time. Some turned to the tsar for mercy, others begged for it from Makarov. Let us note that petitioners bothered the Tsar on rare occasions: their hand was restrained by several decrees of Peter, which strictly punished those who submitted petitions to him personally. The petitioners, however, learned to bypass the decrees: they made requests not to the tsar, but to Makarov, so that he would get the monarch to satisfy the request. The letters ended with a request to “represent” the king and report to him the essence of the request “in good time” or “in due course.” Prince Matvey Gagarin invented a slightly different formula: “Perhaps, dear sir, seeing an opportunity to convey it to the Tsar’s Majesty.” “In good times” or “in due course” translated into modern language meant that the petitioner asked Makarov to report the request to the tsar at a time when he was in a good, complacent mood, that is, Makarov had to catch the moment when the request could not cause outbursts of anger in the irritable tsar.

Makarov was besieged with all sorts of requests! Marya Stroganova asked him to petition the Tsar for the release of her nephew Afanasy Tatishchev from service, since he “was needed” in the house. Princess Arina Trubetskaya was giving her daughter away in marriage and, in connection with this, sought Makarov to ask Catherine for permission to borrow 5-6 thousand rubles from the treasury, “to send us this wedding.” Anna Sheremeteva, the widow of Field Marshal Boris Petrovich, asked to protect her “from petitioners among the runaway peasants, who are looking for great lawsuits for their elderly years.” The Countess asked the cabinet secretary to report to the Tsar and Tsarina “in good time” so that they would “defend” her from the plaintiffs.

Many requests to Makarov came from nobles. The President of the Admiralty Collegium and Senator Fyodor Matveyevich Apraksin ended his message to the Cabinet Secretary with the words: “If you please hand over a letter to His Tsar’s Majesty and how it will be received, perhaps you will not be pleased to leave it without news.” The son of the prince-pope of the all-drunk cathedral, Konon Zotov, who voluntarily volunteered to go abroad to study, complained to Makarov from Paris: “... I still don’t have a date (from the tsar. - N.P.) no praise, no anger.”

Even the almighty Menshikov resorted to Makarov’s mediation. Not wanting to bother the Tsar with unimportant matters, he wrote: “Otherwise, I didn’t want to bother your Majesty, I wrote at length to Secretary Makarov.” In a letter to Makarov, Alexander Danilovich, having outlined the essence of small matters, informed him: “And I didn’t want to bother His Majesty with these small matters, what will I expect.” Menshikov, as well as other correspondents who were in a confidential relationship with Makarov, often informed the cabinet secretary about facts and events that he considered necessary to hide from the tsar, because he knew that they would cause his anger. So, for example, in July 1716, Menshikov wrote to Makarov, who was abroad with the tsar: “Similarly, in Peterhof and Strelina, there are a lot of sick workers and they die constantly, of which more than a thousand people have died this summer. However, I am writing to you about this poor condition of the workers for your special knowledge, about which, unless some occasion calls, then you can convey, as quickly as possible, that the many non-corrections here are bothering His Royal Majesty no little.” In the report to the king, sent on the same day, there was not a single word about the mass death of builders. True, the prince said that he found work on Kotlin Island “in a weak state,” but he cited continuous rains as the reason for this.

Makarov dared to provide assistance even to people who were in tsarist disgrace. Among the nobles who were blessed by him, we meet the first “profit-maker” Alexei Kurbatov, who later became the Arkhangelsk vice-governor, the Moscow vice-governor Vasily Ershov, the Tsar’s favorite orderly, and then the admiralty Alexander Kikin. The latter was accused in 1713 of criminal fraud with contracts for the supply of bread to St. Petersburg. The threat of ending his life on the gallows seemed quite real, but the former favorite of the tsar was then rescued from trouble by Ekaterina Alekseevna and Makarov.

Makarov’s activities as a cabinet secretary deserves such detailed coverage primarily because he performed this position under Catherine I. Moreover, the cabinet secretary during her reign acquired immeasurably greater influence than in the previous one. Under the reformer tsar, who held in his hands all the threads of governing the country, Alexei Vasilyevich served as a rapporteur; under Catherine, who did not have management skills, he acted as an adviser to the empress and an intermediary between her and the Supreme Privy Council. Makarov was prepared for this task, having behind him more than twenty years of training in the administrator's craft, completed under the leadership of Peter. Knowing all the intricacies of the work of the government mechanism and being able to promptly prompt the Empress the need to promulgate the necessary decree, Makarov, along with Menshikov, became Catherine’s main assistant.

Several facts testify to the high prestige Makarov was able to give to the institution he led and to the cabinet secretary himself. Thus, by decree of September 7, 1726, it was ordered that important matters should be reported first to the Cabinet of Her Imperial Majesty, and then to the Supreme Privy Council. On December 9, 1726, Catherine, who highly valued Makarov’s services, granted him the rank of Privy Councilor.

Another evidence of Makarov’s high authority was the formula for registering his presence at meetings of the Supreme Privy Council. Even about senators, not to mention nobles of lower rank, in journal entries we read: “admitted,” “admitted,” or “summoned” to the presence of the Supreme Privy Council, while Makarov’s appearance was recorded with a more respectful formula: “Then the secret one came Cabinet Secretary Makarov”, “Then there was a secret Cabinet Secretary Makarov”, “Then the Cabinet Secretary Makarov announced.”

The importance of the Senate and senators during the reign of Catherine weakened significantly. This is evidenced, for example, by the journal entry of the Supreme Privy Council dated March 28, 1726, when senators Devier and Saltykov arrived at its meeting with a report: “Before the admission of those senators, His Royal Highness (Duke of Holstein. - N.P.) deigned to announce my opinion: that when senators come to the Supreme Privy Council with business, then do not read those cases in front of them or discuss them, so that they do not know ahead of time that the Supreme Privy Council will discuss.”

The foreign minister in the then bureaucratic pyramid also stood below Makarov: “At that meeting, His Royal Highness the Duke of Holstein was admitted privy councilor von Bassevich." Let us remember that the Duke of Holstein was the son-in-law of the Empress.

Communication between the Empress and the Supreme Privy Council was carried out different ways. The simplest one was that Makarov notified the council members of the cancellation of the empress’s intention to attend the meeting of the Supreme Privy Council.

Most often, Makarov played a mediating role between the Empress and the Supreme Privy Council, conveyed to him Catherine’s oral commands or carried out the instructions of the Supreme Privy Council to transmit prepared decrees to the Empress for approval. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that Alexei Vasilyevich was performing purely mechanical functions - in fact, during his reports, he gave advice to the empress, who was ignorant in management affairs and did not want to delve into the essence of the issue, with which she easily agreed. As a result, the empress’s orders actually belonged not to her, but to the cabinet secretary, who knew how to tactfully impose his will on her. Let's give a few examples, making a reservation that the sources did not preserve direct evidence that the empress was a puppet in the hands of Menshikov and Makarov; This is where logical considerations come into play.

On March 13, 1726, the Supreme Privy Council learned that the Senate would not accept promemories from the first three collegiums. Makarov reported this to the Empress. Returning, he announced that the Senate would henceforth “write High Senate, and not Governing, because this word “Governing” is obscene.” It is unlikely that Catherine could have carried out such an action, which required appropriate legal preparation, on her own, without outside influence.

On August 8, 1726, Catherine, attending a meeting of the Supreme Privy Council, expressed a judgment that required her to know diplomatic etiquette and be aware of precedents. She “deigned to have the consideration” to send Prince Vasily Dolgoruky as ambassador to Poland instead of Count Bassevich, “reasoning that there it would be possible for him, without a public audience and other ceremonies, to manage the embassy business following the example of how the Swedish ambassador Cederhelm did it here.”

A special role fell to Makarov in appointments to positions. This is not surprising - no one in the country after the death of Peter I could compete with Alexei Vasilyevich in knowledge of the shortcomings and advantages of various nobles. Personal acquaintance with each of them allowed him to know their zeal for service, and the degree of selflessness, and such qualities of nature as a tendency to cruelty or mercy. Makarov's recommendations were of decisive importance for the empress.

Thus, on February 23, 1727, the Supreme Privy Council presented a list of candidates for governor, Princes Yuri Trubetskoy, Alexei Cherkassky, Alexei Dolgoruky, and the President of the Milking Chancellery, Alexei Pleshcheev. Catherine agreed to appoint only Major General Yu. Trubetskoy as governor; “About the others,” Makarov informed the Supreme Privy Council, “she deigned to say that they are needed here, and for this purpose “to select others and present them.” In order to “deign to say” something like this, it was necessary to have detailed information about each of the candidates and be sure “that they are needed here” - and this was hardly within the power of the Empress.

Makarov stood behind Catherine’s back during the appointment of Major General Vasily Zotov as governor of Kazan. The Supreme Privy Council considered it more expedient to appoint him president of the College of Justice, but the empress. Of course, at the suggestion of Makarov, she insisted on her own.

It is known that Alexei Bibikov, who had the rank of brigadier, was protected by Menshikov. It was he who was nominated by Alexander Danilovich to become the Novgorod vice-governor, believing that Kholopov, recommended by the Empress, “is not capable of any service due to his old age and decrepitude.” Catherine (read Makarov) rejected Bibikov’s candidacy, ordering “to elect another, older than him, Bibikov as vice-governor.”

Feedback from the Supreme Privy Council to the Empress was also carried out through Makarov. In the papers one can find different versions of wording, the meaning of which was that the Supreme Privy Council instructed Makarov to convey to the Empress the decrees he had adopted for their approval or for their signing.

Sometimes - although not often - Makarov's name was mentioned along with the members of the Supreme Privy Council present at its meetings. So, on May 16, 1726, “in the presence of four persons (Apraksin, Golovkin, Tolstoy and Golitsyn. - N.P.)… and the secret cabinet secretary Alexei Makarov, Alexey Bestuzhev’s secret report, No. 17, from Copenhagen was read.” On March 20, 1727, Alexei Vasilyevich even took the initiative to transfer the money remaining in the Rostov diocese after these expenses to the treasury. The Supreme Privy Council agreed: “To carry out this proposal.”

Of course, the ruling elite was aware of Makarov’s influence on the empress. Makarov also made mortal enemies, among whom the most sworn were A.I. Osterman and the vice-president of the Synod, Feofan Prokopovich. They caused him a lot of trouble during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, when Makarov was under investigation for many years and was kept under house arrest until his death.

However, the empress did not need hints in all cases. At the level of everyday issues, she made independent decisions, as happened, for example, with the decree of July 21, 1726 on the procedure for holding fist fights in the capital. Chief of Police of St. Petersburg Devier reported that on Aptekarsky Island there are crowded fist fights, during which “many, taking out knives, chase other fighters, and others, putting cannonballs, stones, and flails in their mittens, beat without mercy with mortal blows, from which there are fights and not without mortal killings, which murder is not charged as a sin, they also throw sand in the eyes.” The Empress did not prohibit fist fights, but demanded honest compliance with their rules: “Whoever... from now on in such fist fights for fun will have the desire to choose sotsky, fiftieth and tenth, register with the police office, and then observe compliance with the rules of fist fighting.” .

Another person whose influence on state affairs was undoubted, although not too noticeable, was A. I. Osterman. For the time being, he was behind the scenes of events, and came to the fore later, after the fall of Menshikov. The Spanish ambassador de Liria reported on January 10, 1728: “... after the fall of Menshikov, all the affairs of this monarchy passed into his (Osterman. - N.P.) hands... of a person known for his qualities and abilities.” In his assessment, Osterman was “a businessman behind whom everything is intrigue and intrigue.”

Most foreign observers are unanimous in their high assessment of Andrei Ivanovich’s abilities. This is how the Prussian ambassador Mardefeld spoke about him on July 6, 1727, when Osterman was still under the patronage of Menshikov: “Osterman’s credit stems not only from the power of the prince (Menshikov. - N.P.), but is based on the baron’s great abilities, honesty, selflessness and is supported by the boundless love of the young emperor for him (Peter II. - N.P.), who has enough foresight to recognize the mentioned qualities in him and understand that the baron is completely necessary for this state for its relations with foreign powers.”

We cannot agree with all of the assessments given. Mardefeld rightly noted the rare quality of a nobleman of that time - Osterman was not convicted of either bribery or embezzlement. The statement about his intelligence, efficiency and role in the government is also true. Indeed, Osterman had enough physical strength and talent to not only familiarize himself with the contents of the numerous reports received by the Supreme Privy Council from collegiums, governors, officials, who carried out his special assignments, but also to highlight the most important ones in order to form the agenda of the next meeting, to prepare an appropriate resolution, for which, on his instructions, his assistants looked for previous decrees on a similar occasion. Domestic nobles of that time were not accustomed to such systematic work, and the hardworking Osterman was truly irreplaceable. According to Mardefeld, Osterman “bears the burden that they (Russian nobles. - N.P.), due to their natural laziness, they don’t want to wear it.”

Osterman’s indispensability in resolving issues of the everyday, routine life of the state was also noted by the observant French diplomat Magnan, who informed the Versailles court in June 1728: “Osterman’s credit is supported only by his necessity for the Russians, which is almost irreplaceable in terms of the smallest details in business, since not a single Russian feels hardworking enough to take on this burden.” Magnan is wrong in extending the lack of hard work to all “Russians.” It is enough to refer to the cabinet secretary Makarov, who was in no way inferior in hard work to Osterman. However, Alexey Vasilyevich lacked knowledge foreign languages and awareness in foreign policy affairs.

These were the people in whose hands real power lay and who had to look for ways to overcome the crisis that struck Russia at the beginning of the second quarter of the 18th century.

After his fall (1727) - princes Dolgorukov and Golitsyn.

However, after accession to the throne Peter II Alekseevich(May 1727) the disgrace of A.D. Menshikov followed and they entered the Supreme Privy Council A.G. And V. L. Dolgorukovs, and in 1730, during the accession Anna Ioannovna , - M. M. Golitsyn And V. V. Dolgorukov.

“Plan of the Supreme Leaders” and “ Conditions »

Rejecting the king's married eldest daughter Ioann Alekseevich , Ekaterina, 8 members of the Council elected his youngest daughter Anna Ioannovna to the throne by 8 o’clock in the morning on January 19th, who had already lived in Courland for 19 years and had no favorites or parties in Russia, which means she satisfied everyone. Anna seemed obedient and controllable to the nobles, not prone to despotism.

Taking advantage of the situation, the leaders decided to limit autocratic power by demanding that Anna sign certain conditions, the so-called “ Conditions" According to " Conditions“real power in Russia passed to the Supreme Privy Council, and the role of the monarch for the first time was reduced to representative functions.

28 January ( February 8) 1730 Anna signed “ Conditions“, according to which, without the Supreme Privy Council, she could not declare war or make peace, introduce new taxes and taxes, spend the treasury at her own discretion, promote to ranks higher than colonel, grant estates, deprive a nobleman of life and property without trial, enter into marriage, appoint an heir to the throne.

Relying on the support of the guard, as well as the middle and minor nobility, Anna publicly tore apart " Conditions"and your letter of acceptance.

March 1 1730 the people took the oath to Empress Anna Ioannovna for the second time on the terms of complete autocracy.

Manifesto from 4 (March 15th The Supreme Privy Council was abolished.

The fates of the members of the Supreme Privy Council developed differently: Mikhail Golitsyn was dismissed and died almost immediately, his brother and three of the four Dolgorukovs were executed during the reign of Anna Ioannovna. Survived the repressions only Vasily Vladimirovich Dolgorukov, at Elizaveta Petrovna returned from exile and appointed head of the military college. Golovkin and Osterman occupied the most important government posts during the reign of Anna Ioannovna. Osterman briefly became the de facto ruler of the country in 1740-1741, but after another palace coup was exiled to Berezov, where he died.

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- Why are you yawning?
- Good! That's how it flows from them! Don't wet our living room.
“You can’t dirty Marya Genrikhovna’s dress,” the voices answered.
Rostov and Ilyin hurried to find a corner where they could change their wet dress without disturbing Marya Genrikhovna’s modesty. They went behind the partition to change clothes; but in a small closet, filling it completely, with one candle on an empty box, three officers were sitting, playing cards, and did not want to give up their place for anything. Marya Genrikhovna gave up her skirt for a while to use it instead of a curtain, and behind this curtain Rostov and Ilyin, with the help of Lavrushka, who brought packs, took off the wet dress and put on a dry dress.
A fire was lit in the broken stove. They took out a board and, having supported it on two saddles, covered it with a blanket, took out a samovar, a cellar and half a bottle of rum, and, asking Marya Genrikhovna to be the hostess, everyone crowded around her. Some offered her a clean handkerchief to wipe her lovely hands, some put a Hungarian coat under her feet so that it would not be damp, some curtained the window with a cloak so that it wouldn’t blow, some brushed the flies off her husband’s face so that he would not wake up.
“Leave him alone,” said Marya Genrikhovna, smiling timidly and happily, “he’s already sleeping well after a sleepless night.”
“You can’t, Marya Genrikhovna,” the officer answered, “you have to serve the doctor.” That’s it, maybe he’ll feel sorry for me when he starts cutting my leg or arm.
There were only three glasses; the water was so dirty that it was impossible to decide whether the tea was strong or weak, and there was only enough water in the samovar for six glasses, but it was all the more pleasant, in turn and by seniority, to receive your glass from Marya Genrikhovna’s plump hands with short, not entirely clean, nails . All the officers seemed to really be in love with Marya Genrikhovna that evening. Even those officers who were playing cards behind the partition soon abandoned the game and moved on to the samovar, obeying the general mood of courting Marya Genrikhovna. Marya Genrikhovna, seeing herself surrounded by such brilliant and courteous youth, beamed with happiness, no matter how hard she tried to hide it and no matter how obviously shy she was at every sleepy movement of her husband, who was sleeping behind her.
There was only one spoon, there was most of the sugar, but there was no time to stir it, and therefore it was decided that she would stir the sugar for everyone in turn. Rostov, having received his glass and poured rum into it, asked Marya Genrikhovna to stir it.
- But you don’t have sugar? - she said, all smiling, as if everything that she said, and everything that others said, was very funny and had another meaning.
- Yes, I don’t need sugar, I just want you to stir it with your pen.
Marya Genrikhovna agreed and began to look for a spoon, which someone had already grabbed.
“You finger, Marya Genrikhovna,” said Rostov, “it will be even more pleasant.”
- It's hot! - said Marya Genrikhovna, blushing with pleasure.
Ilyin took a bucket of water and, dripping some rum into it, came to Marya Genrikhovna, asking him to stir it with his finger.
“This is my cup,” he said. - Just put your finger in, I’ll drink it all.
When the samovar was all drunk, Rostov took the cards and offered to play kings with Marya Genrikhovna. They cast lots to decide who would be Marya Genrikhovna's party. The rules of the game, according to Rostov’s proposal, were that the one who would be king would have the right to kiss Marya Genrikhovna’s hand, and that the one who would remain a scoundrel would go and put a new samovar for the doctor when he woke up.
- Well, what if Marya Genrikhovna becomes king? – Ilyin asked.
- She’s already a queen! And her orders are law.
The game had just begun when the doctor’s confused head suddenly rose from behind Marya Genrikhovna. He had not slept for a long time and listened to what was said, and, apparently, did not find anything cheerful, funny or amusing in everything that was said and done. His face was sad and despondent. He did not greet the officers, scratched himself and asked permission to leave, as his way was blocked. As soon as he came out, all the officers burst into loud laughter, and Marya Genrikhovna blushed to tears and thereby became even more attractive in the eyes of all the officers. Returning from the yard, the doctor told his wife (who had stopped smiling so happily and was looking at him, fearfully awaiting the verdict) that the rain had passed and that she had to go spend the night in the tent, otherwise everything would be stolen.
- Yes, I’ll send a messenger... two! - said Rostov. - Come on, doctor.
– I’ll watch the clock myself! - said Ilyin.
“No, gentlemen, you slept well, but I didn’t sleep for two nights,” said the doctor and gloomily sat down next to his wife, waiting for the end of the game.
Looking at the gloomy face of the doctor, looking askance at his wife, the officers became even more cheerful, and many could not help laughing, for which they hastily tried to find plausible excuses. When the doctor left, taking his wife away, and settled into the tent with her, the officers lay down in the tavern, covered with wet overcoats; but they didn’t sleep for a long time, either talking, remembering the doctor’s fright and the doctor’s amusement, or running out onto the porch and reporting what was happening in the tent. Several times Rostov, turning over his head, wanted to fall asleep; but again someone’s remark entertained him, a conversation began again, and again causeless, cheerful, childish laughter was heard.

At three o'clock no one had yet fallen asleep when the sergeant appeared with the order to march to the town of Ostrovne.
With the same chatter and laughter, the officers hastily began to get ready; again they put the samovar on dirty water. But Rostov, without waiting for tea, went to the squadron. It was already dawn; the rain stopped, the clouds dispersed. It was damp and cold, especially in a wet dress. Coming out of the tavern, Rostov and Ilyin, both in the twilight of dawn, looked into the doctor’s leather tent, shiny from the rain, from under the apron of which the doctor’s legs stuck out and in the middle of which the doctor’s cap was visible on the pillow and sleepy breathing could be heard.
- Really, she’s very nice! - Rostov said to Ilyin, who was leaving with him.
- What a beauty this woman is! – Ilyin answered with sixteen-year-old seriousness.
Half an hour later the lined up squadron stood on the road. The command was heard: “Sit down! – the soldiers crossed themselves and began to sit down. Rostov, riding forward, commanded: “March! - and, stretching out into four people, the hussars, sounding the slap of hooves on the wet road, the clanking of sabers and quiet talking, set off along the large road lined with birches, following the infantry and battery walking ahead.
Torn blue-purple clouds, turning red at sunrise, were quickly driven by the wind. It became lighter and lighter. One could clearly see that curly grass that always sits in country roads, still wet from yesterday's rain; The hanging branches of the birches, also wet, swayed in the wind and dropped light drops to their sides. The faces of the soldiers became clearer and clearer. Rostov rode with Ilyin, who did not lag behind him, on the side of the road, between a double row of birch trees.
During the campaign, Rostov took the liberty of riding not on a front-line horse, but on a Cossack horse. Both an expert and a hunter, he recently got himself a dashing Don, a large and kind game horse, on which no one had jumped him. Riding this horse was a pleasure for Rostov. He thought about the horse, about the morning, about the doctor, and never thought about the upcoming danger.
Before, Rostov, going into business, was afraid; Now he did not feel the slightest sense of fear. It was not because he was not afraid that he was accustomed to fire (you cannot get used to danger), but because he had learned to control his soul in the face of danger. He was accustomed, when going into business, to think about everything, except for what seemed to be more interesting than anything else - about the upcoming danger. No matter how hard he tried or reproached himself for cowardice during the first period of his service, he could not achieve this; but over the years it has now become natural. He now rode next to Ilyin between the birches, occasionally tearing leaves from branches that came to hand, sometimes touching the horse’s groin with his foot, sometimes, without turning around, giving his finished pipe to the hussar riding behind, with such a calm and carefree look, as if he was riding ride. He felt sorry to look at Ilyin’s agitated face, who spoke a lot and restlessly; he knew from experience the painful state of waiting for fear and death in which the cornet was, and knew that nothing except time would help him.
The sun had just appeared on a clear streak from under the clouds when the wind died down, as if it did not dare spoil this lovely summer morning after the thunderstorm; the drops were still falling, but vertically, and everything became quiet. The sun came out completely, appeared on the horizon and disappeared into a narrow and long cloud standing above it. A few minutes later the sun appeared even brighter on the upper edge of the cloud, breaking its edges. Everything lit up and sparkled. And along with this light, as if answering it, gun shots were heard ahead.
Before Rostov had time to think about and determine how far these shots were, the adjutant of Count Osterman Tolstoy galloped up from Vitebsk with orders to trot along the road.
The squadron drove around the infantry and battery, who were also in a hurry to go faster, went down the mountain and, passing through some empty village without inhabitants, climbed the mountain again. The horses began to lather, the people became flushed.
- Stop, be equal! – the division commander’s command was heard ahead.
- Left shoulder forward, step march! - they commanded from the front.
And the hussars along the line of troops went to the left flank of the position and stood behind our lancers who were in the first line. On the right stood our infantry in a thick column - these were reserves; above it on the mountain, our guns were visible in the clean, clear air, in the morning, oblique and bright light, right on the horizon. Ahead, behind the ravine, enemy columns and cannons were visible. In the ravine we could hear our chain, already engaged and cheerfully clicking with the enemy.
Rostov, as if hearing the sounds of the most cheerful music, felt joy in his soul from these sounds, which had not been heard for a long time. Tap ta ta tap! – suddenly, then several shots clapped quickly, one after another. Again everything fell silent, and again it was as if firecrackers were cracking as someone walked on them.
The hussars stood in one place for about an hour. The cannonade began. Count Osterman and his retinue rode behind the squadron, stopped, talked with the regiment commander and rode off to the guns on the mountain.
Following Osterman’s departure, the lancers heard a command:
- Form a column, line up for the attack! “The infantry ahead of them doubled their platoons to let the cavalry through. The lancers set off, their pike weather vanes swaying, and at a trot they went downhill towards the French cavalry, which appeared under the mountain to the left.
As soon as the lancers went down the mountain, the hussars were ordered to move up the mountain, to cover the battery. While the hussars were taking the place of the lancers, distant, missing bullets flew from the chain, squealing and whistling.
This sound, not heard for a long time, had an even more joyful and exciting effect on Rostov than the previous sounds of shooting. He, straightening up, looked at the battlefield opening from the mountain, and with all his soul participated in the movement of the lancers. The lancers came close to the French dragoons, something was tangled there in the smoke, and five minutes later the lancers rushed back not to the place where they stood, but to the left. Between the orange lancers on red horses and behind them, in a large heap, were visible blue French dragoons on gray horses.